"Screaming For Help & No One Came" to Locked Room at "Gender Annihilation Center": Suit Says Oklahoma Jail Deprived Murdered Black Man his Constitutional Right to Safety - 30 Dead Since 2016

From [HERE] The mother of a man fatally beaten inside the Oklahoma County jail has filed a wrongful death lawsuit against Sheriff P.D. Taylor and the county commissioners.

Maurice Pendleton was killed by unsupervised inmates after being placed on a basketball court in the jail on July 18. The mother is seeking monetary damages in the lawsuit filed Friday in Oklahoma County District Court.

"I want justice to be served for my son," Mae Pendleton told news reporters outside the jail before she nearly fainted. Her attorneys and others held her up as she walked away.

"Maurice's life mattered," attorney Damario Solomon-Simmons said. "This jail caused the death of Maurice Pendleton."

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Since 2016, more than 30 inmates have died after being booked into the jail, the attorney noted.

The lawsuit alleges Maurice Pendleton was deprived of his constitutional right to safety while in the jail. It also alleges the jail has a long history of "unconstitutional conditions."

It's the latest in a series of lawsuits over Oklahoma County jail deaths.

Four inmates are charged with second-degree murder in the fatal beating that prosecutors called gang-related. A trial is set for August.

Reserving the Right to Murder Blacks & Latinos who Murder Whites, New Hampshire Governor Vetoes Bill to Abolish "Death Penalty"

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From [HERE] New Hampshire Governor Chris Sununu [official website] vetoed a bill [text] Thursday that would have abolished the death penalty.

Currently, the law states: "A person convicted of a capital murder may be punished by death." The bill proposed that those found guilty would instead be sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole.

In New Hampshire, very few situations warrant the possibility of being sentenced to death. In a statement [PDF], Sununu said that he is on the side of the victims:

To repeal the death penalty in its entirety today would deprive the Cates' and other crime victims of the justice they deserve. Abolishing the death penalty in New Hampshire would send the wrong message to those who commit the most heinous offenses within our State's borders, namely that New Hampshire is a place where a person who commits an unthinkable crime is guaranteed leniency. New Hampshire is not and will never be a safe haven for those who would murder a police officer, cause a death during the commission of an aggravated sexual assault or home invasion, or commit any other capital offense.

In New Hampshire, there is currently one person on death row, Michael "Stix" Addison, a Black man who killed Michael Briggs, a white cop, while the last time there was an execution was 1939. This is not the first time that New Hampshire has almost abolished capital punishment [JURIST report].

Targeted by Skin Color: Study Says Extrajudicial Police Killings Harm the Mental Health of Blacks [Governmental Rule by Intimidation =Terrorism]


From [HERE] Activists for racial justice have long expressed concern that the rash of headline-grabbing police killings of black Americans was damaging the mental well-being of African-American communities.

A report published in The Lancet, a leading British medical journal, on Thursday appears to give credence to those concerns.

Using mental health survey data and a database of police shootings, a team of health researchers concluded that when police officers in the United States kill unarmed black people, it damages the mental health of black Americans living in those states.

The mental health of white Americans was not similarly affected, the researchers found. Nor were negative health effects associated with police killings of unarmed white Americans or armed black Americans.

While these findings might seem unsurprising, particularly to African-Americans, the researchers contended that their study was a significant attempt to assess the measurable, if indirect, harms that police violence has inflicted on the broader psychological and emotional well-being of African-Americans.

“‘Having seen something so horrific and traumatic that happened to someone else, I’m reminded in a very painful and salient way that the deck might be stacked against me,’” Atheendar S. Venkataramani, one of the study’s authors, said of how black people might perceive police killings. “It’s really about all the kinds of insidious ways that structural racism can make people sick.”

"Nobody Used Any Use of Force." White Sergeant Recorded Telling NC Troopers to Lie After Cops Stomped & Attacked Black Man w/Flashlights, Gun & K9 - had broken eye socket, nose & 21 Dog Bites

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From [FTP] and [MORE] A North Carolina judge released a series of disturbing videos last month showing the horrifying attack on a man who had done nothing but walk down the road. Kyron Dwain Hinton, 29, had harmed no one and committed no crime when he was surrounded by police, mauled by a K9, pistol whipped, kicked, punched, and stomped on—for nearly five minutes.

Absent from the series of video released last month, however, was another video from later on that night in which officers were instructed by their sergeant to cover up what happened. That video is now part of the investigation and has ensnared yet another cop.

The incident happened on April 3 and the videos are so horrifying that the officers involved have actually been charged for it.

Troopers Tabithia L. Davis and Michael G. Blake were fired Friday for their role in the beating and they have been charged with assault inflicting bodily injury and willfully failing to discharge duties. Their patrol sergeant, R.W. Goswick was also placed on administrative leave for his role in instructing the troopers to cover it up. The trooper was captured on video telling his officers to lie.

Dashcam video from the scene captures Goswick telling Davis, Blake, and another trooper Zachary C.Bumgardner to lie on their statements and report “no use of force on our part.”

Goswick would conclude—in spite of the horrific video showing otherwise and officers admitting to the abuse—that all the troopers did was “assist in holding the man down” and “that nobody threw any punches.”

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According to police, they received a series of calls about a man walking down Raleigh Boulevard around 10 pm. When police responded to the area, they found Hinton.

First on the scene was the North Carolina Highway patrol, followed by Raleigh police. Things remained calm as officers talked to Hinton until Wake County Deputy Cameron Broadwell arrived on the scene with his police dog, Loki.

Hinton was peacefully standing there, talking with deputies when deputy Broadwell decided the time for talking was over. Without cause or provocation, Broadwell begins shouting at Hinton to get on the ground.

“Get on the ground now or you’re gonna get bit,” the deputy calls out. “Get on the ground or you’re gonna get bit. Get on the ground or you’re gonna get bit.”

Hinton appears confused and frightened and does not immediately get on the ground. At this point, Broadwell forces the dog to bite Hinton and as he goes down, Broadwell begins punching Hinton in the face.

“Get him, get him, get him!” Broadwell screams as more than a half dozen cops pile on top of this unarmed man.

The chaos and gore was so horrific that even one of the officers yelled, “Get that f—king dog out of here!”

Hinton, who was clearly distressed, can be heard saying “Yahweh help,” and “God is good.”

After nearly five minutes of dog biting and beating, the dust settled and police attempted to justify the pseudo lynching they just dished out.

“He wouldn’t get on the ground,” Broadwell said, claiming that he thought the situation was a 10-80, police code for a chase in progress. But there was no chase, and Hinton—although he may have been in a diminished mental state—was simply talking with police, who had him entirely surrounded.

“I sicced my dog on him while he was in the middle of the street,” the deputy tells another officer as he breathes heavily, catching his breath. “My dog bit him in the side. I’ve got to take pictures of the dog bite. I got to get my camera, man.”

During a portion of the video, Broadwell is heard saying, “I’m glad my radio broke, man. I punched him in the face while Loki was biting him.”

Another officer then says, “hey,” as if to warn him he was being recorded on body camera.

Broadwell then responds, “Yeah, yeah, it’s fine. I gave him a chance to get down on the ground.”

Wake County District Attorney Lorrin Freeman wrote in a petition that during the struggle, “a voice believed to be that of Trooper M.G. Blake is heard commanding one or more of the officers on the scene to start hitting Mr. Hinton in the head, to hit him in the head again, and to hit his head with a flashlight.”

“These commands were given multiple times and were interlaced with profanities,” Freeman said. “At one point, an officer can be seen hitting and kicking Mr. Hinton while he is on the ground.”

Despite officers admitting on video that they severely beat Hinton, as the News Observer reports, Goswick said “that no use of force by the Troopers on the scene could be seen,” Freeman stated, before later adding that the Highway Patrol’s use of force policy indicates that “striking an individual in the head with a flashlight is considered use of deadly force.”

For two months, the police departments blocked all the footage from being released. However, last month, Wake County Superior Court Judge A. Graham Shirley responded to the multiple requests from media and finally released the video.

According to the News Observer, Hinton initially was charged with disorderly conduct, resisting a public officer and assault on a law enforcement animal, but Wake prosecutors dismissed all charges against him.

For walking down the road, Hinton was severely beaten, mauled by a K9 and hospitalized for several days. He suffered 21 dog bites all over his body, a broken nose and a fractured eye socket.

Trump's Rallying Message to his Racist Neuropeon Believers: "Your Beef is Mine!" & Thanks For Your Imagined Participation in Democracy

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From [HERE] As Republicans try to keep their midterm election strategy focused on the economy, tax cuts and falling unemployment, President Trump sent his clearest signal yet on Monday that he intends to make divisive, racially charged issues like immigration central going into the campaign season.

Facing bipartisan criticism over his administration’s family separation practice on the border, Mr. Trump renewed the sort of bald and demagogic attacks on undocumented immigrants that worked well for him politically in his 2016 presidential campaign. He inveighed against “the death and destruction that’s been caused by people coming into this country” and vowed that “the United States will not be a migrant camp and it will not be a refugee holding facility.”

Republicans typically handle immigration gingerly in an election year, as they try to appeal to Hispanic voters, independents and moderates across divergent districts. But with more Americans still opposing the tax measure than supporting it, Mr. Trump’s allies believe that trying to link Democrats to crimes committed by undocumented immigrants and gangs like MS-13 will do more to galvanize Republican voters and get them to the polls in November than emphasizing economic issues.

“People don’t turn out to say thank you,” said Corey Lewandowski, one of the president’s top political advisers. “If you want to get people motivated, you’ve got to give them a reason to vote. Saying ‘build the wall and stop illegals from coming in and killing American citizens’ gives them an important issue.”

This fear-oriented approach reflects the degree that Mr. Trump has put his anti-immigration imprint on the Republican Party. The same raw appeals Mr. Trump made in 2016 about immigrants illegally crossing the border have not abated among most of his Republican supporters. 

And his supporters say the party has little choice in an election where Democrats are eager to register their opposition to a president they despise — and that the only way to succeed in a campaign driven by turning out the party base is to focus on what grass-roots conservatives care most about. [hatred of non-whites]

“It’s an issue folks are emotionally attached to,” said Andy Surabian, a Republican strategist and former Trump aide. “I know that upsets some people in the donor class, but it’s the reality of where the party is.”

Mr. Trump’s anti-immigrant remarks are aimed at the conservative base of the party that elevated his candidacy and is dominant in red states and House districts, especially those with largely white populations. The Republican grass-roots were already hawkish on immigration, while the president’s takeover of the party has further diminished its pragmatist wing. And while hard-line Republicans are a minority of the country’s voters, the G.O.P. cannot retain its grip on Congress without this bedrock of its base going to the polls. [MORE]

Report Links Deaths in Non-White Immigration Detention Centers to [intentionally] Poor Medical Care

From [HERE] Insufficient medical care contributed to more than half the deaths reported by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) between December 2015 and April 2017, according to a report [HRW website] issued on Wednesday by a collaboration of advocacy groups.

The 72-page report analyzes 15 "Detainee Death Reviews" ICE released from December 2015 through April 2017, finding that "eight of the 15 public death reviews show that inadequate medical care contributed or led to the person's death." The experts found evidence of inferior and dangerous practices including "unreasonable delays, poor practitioner and nursing care, and botched emergency response."

Among the cases reviewed, one case involved the suicide of a person with mental disabilities who was improperly put in isolation, as well as a person who was not given adequate care or concern after suffering three seizures.

The report claims the reviews illustrate that the same types of healthcare and oversight failures point to a systemic deficit in immigration detention facility health care and urges for action.

"The lapses occur in both publicly and privately run facilities, and are not being addressed by existing oversight and monitoring systems...We believe these deficits warrant immediate attention and action by Congress, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), and state and local governments that have authority over the facilities."

The urgency of reform further correlates to the increased number of immigrants in detention centers. In 1994, approximately 6,800 people were held in immigration custody on any day, whereas today, the daily average is nearly 40,500 people. Further, "the Trump administration has asked Congress to allocate US$2.7 billion for Fiscal Year 2019 to lock up a daily average of 52,000 immigrants in immigration detention facilities, a record number representing nearly 30 percent expansion over the previous year."

The report was published by Human Rights Watch, the National Immigrant Justice Center, the Detention Watch Network and the American Civil Liberties Union.

Black NBA Player Dared to Question White Authority During Parking Ticket Detention at 2AM in Empty Lot, So Provocative, Hyper-Alert Milwaukee Overseers Assaulted Him to En-Force the Law - Suit Filed

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White Cop: "I OWN THIS [the streets]" From [HERE] According to the lawsuit filed in U.S. District Court in Milwaukee, Sterling Brown, a guard for the Milwaukee Bucks who is black, was wrongfully arrested and mistreated because of his race by a police department with a history of excessive force against black people.

The suit claims one of eight police officers named as defendants in the suit pulled his gun and another used a stun gun on Brown after he was already subdued and being held on the ground by several other officers.

In addition to the eight officers, the city of Milwaukee and its police chief, Alfonso Morales, are defendants in the case. Local media has reported that most of the officers involved are white. The suit seeks unspecified damages.

Brown’s attorney, Mark Thomsen, told Reuters on Tuesday that Brown was not motivated by money in filing the suit, but rather seeks a change in the way Milwaukee police treat young black men.

Morales was named chief in February, but the suit claims he did not handle discipline of the officers well as the stiffest penalty was suspension for three of the officers, varying from two to 15 days. Morales has previously apologized for the arrest. [apology is always political] 

While law enforcement sources initially claimed Brown had been the aggressor, videos show police escalated the situation rapidly while Brown spoke in a frustrated tone of voice but never raised his volume or moved toward officers.

The suit alleges Brown parked in a handicapped parking spot outside a drug store about 2 a.m. on Jan. 26, and was approached by a Milwaukee officer who shoved Brown and subsequently called for backup. The player was never charged with anything in the incident.

Officers surrounded Brown as they questioned him and one pulled out a gun after two policemen noticed what appeared to be targets from a gun range in the player’s car.

Brown, a 23-year-old reserve player on the NBA team, was unarmed.

“It’s simply outrageous that someone would pull their gun” in this situation where Brown posed no serious danger to any of the officers, Thomsen told Reuters.

The suit says that Brown, who was 22 at the time of the incident, “was kneed in the groin by one of the officers” before being thrown to the cold pavement during a night when the wind chill temperature was 26 degrees Fahrenheit (-3 degrees Celsius).

Brown was already on the ground held by officers when he was shocked with the stun gun in the back, the suit claims.

The suit also claims that several of the officers switched off body cameras to conceal their actions and some of them conspired to synchronize their stories after the incident.

Beatings, bags over their heads, racial slurs: Young Non-White migrants detained in Virginia allege abuse in lawsuit

Non-white immigrant children as young as 14 housed at a juvenile detention center in Virginia say they were beaten while handcuffed and locked up for long periods in solitary confinement, left nude and shivering in concrete cells.

The abuse claims against the Shenandoah Valley Juvenile Center near Staunton, Virginia, are detailed in federal court filings that include a half-dozen sworn statements from Latino teens jailed there for months or years. Multiple detainees say the guards stripped them of their clothes and strapped them to chairs with bags placed over their heads.

"Whenever they used to restrain me and put me in the chair, they would handcuff me," said a Honduran immigrant who was sent to the facility when he was 15 years old. "Strapped me down all the way, from your feet all the way to your chest, you couldn't really move. ... They have total control over you. They also put a bag over your head. It has little holes; you can see through it. But you feel suffocated with the bag on."

In addition to the children's first-hand, translated accounts in court filings, a former child-development specialist who worked inside the facility independently told The Associated Press this week that she saw kids there with bruises and broken bones they blamed on guards. She spoke on condition of anonymity because she was not authorized to publicly discuss the children's cases.

In court filings, lawyers for the detention facility have denied all the allegations of physical abuse detailed in the lawsuit, which span from 2015 to 2018.

Read More

If You Shot a Cop in the Back Would You Get Arrested? Video Shows Pittsburgh Cop Murder Unarmed, Fleeing Black Teen, Shooting Him in the Back 3X

Sovereign Cops Only Follow the Law of the Jungle in Corporate Police State. From [HERE] and [HERE] An unarmed 17-year-old Black boy was shot and killed by the East Pittsburgh police on Tuesday night as he tried to flee a traffic stop, law enforcement officials said on Wednesday. 

The teenager, Antwon Rose II, was a passenger in a car that had been pulled over because it matched the description of a vehicle that fled an earlier shooting in which a 22-year-old man was wounded, the Allegheny County Police Department said in a statement.

A video that recorded the fatal shooting and was posted on Facebook shows two people running from police vehicles as three shots are fired. One of the people, later identified as the 17-year-old, falls to the ground after getting shot in the back.

“Why are they shooting at him?” the woman recording the video says. “All they did was run and they’re shooting at them!”



The Allegheny County Police Department, which is investigating the encounter, said that two firearms were found on the floor of the car. However, police found the guns after the shooting was over. The location of the guns in the car or proximity to the passengers was not disclosed. When asked if the teenager was found with a weapon on his person, Coleman McDonough, the department’s superintendent, said he was not. No police saw him with a gun at any time. 

The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette on Wednesday quoted Mayor Louis Payne of East Pittsburgh as saying that the officer who shot Antwon was hired in mid-May and had been formally sworn in hours before the shooting.

In a statement on Wednesday night, S. Lee Merritt, a lawyer representing Antwon’s family, said: “We know that he was not armed at the time he was shot down, that he posed no immediate threat to anyone, and that, significantly, the driver of the vehicle he occupied was released from police custody.”

The traffic stop on Tuesday that led to the deadly shooting occurred after multiple 911 calls earlier in the night reported a shooting in North Braddock, Pa., that had wounded a 22-year-old man in the abdomen, the police said. He was treated at a trauma center and later released.

Investigators said a gunman in a passing vehicle had fired nine .40-caliber rounds at the 22-year-old, who returned fire.

The 911 callers provided a description of a vehicle they saw fleeing the scene, the police said, and an East Pittsburgh officer saw a similar vehicle, a silver Chevrolet Cruze that appeared to have ballistics damage to its rear window.

“I’m very confident that that was the vehicle involved in the shooting,” Superintendent McDonough said.

The officer stopped the car at 8:40 p.m. and took the driver into custody.

“While he was putting the driver into handcuffs, two other occupants ran from the car,” the Allegheny County police said. An East Pittsburgh officer started shooting, striking the 17-year-old “several times.”

The teenager was taken to U.P.M.C. McKeesport hospital, where he was pronounced dead at 9:19 p.m., Superintendent McDonough said.

“We believe he was hit three times,” he added. “He was hit in various places on his body.”

The driver of the car was later released after being interviewed.

“At the time we did not feel that charging was called for,” Superintendent McDonough said.

The police are still searching for the second person who ran from the officers. Superintendent McDonough asked that he turn himself in “so that he can give a comprehensive description of what occurred this evening,” the police statement said.

The officer who shot the teenager has been placed on administrative leave, officials said.



Under Pennsylvania law police are "justified in using deadly force only when [the officer] believes that such force is necessary to prevent death or serious bodily injury to himself or such other person, or when he believes both that:

  • (i)  such force is necessary to prevent the arrest from being defeated by resistance or escape; and
  • (ii)  the person to be arrested has committed or attempted a forcible felony or is attempting to escape and possesses a deadly weapon, or otherwise indicates that he will endanger human life or inflict serious bodily injury unless arrested without delay."

Here, however, no particularized facts concerning Rose were present as cops never saw him possess a weapon and had no individualized articulable suspicion that he had committed any crime - as they had no facts that he had done anything other than sit in the car. 

Despite Pending Trial for Murder of Ricky Ball, Columbus Settles White Cop’s Discrimination Case: Sending the Message That He Should Not Have Been Fired After Shooting Fleeing Unarmed Black Man

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From [HERE] The fatal police shooting of Ricky Ball in October 2015 convulsed the city of Columbus, Mississippi. Residents marched. Some businesses, fearing a race riot because a white cop had killed a black man, closed on protest day. Based on multiple witnesses a city council member accused the department of planting a gun beside Ball’s body. The police chief resigned. The district attorney called in state authorities to handle the case.

Finally, in September 2016, a grand jury indicted the officer, Canyon Boykin, on manslaughter charges. Boykin’s case still hasn’t gone to trial, but if the recent past is anything to go by, he’s likely to make it through without punishment — and even walk away from the case ahead, handed money for his troubles. That’s because shortly after he shot 25-year-old Ball as Ball ran away following a traffic stop, Boykin sued the city for racial discrimination, claiming he’d been unfairly fired for being a white cop who’d killed a black person. Just before his discrimination lawsuit was to go to trial last year, the city settled with Boykin for an undisclosed amount.

“That’s what really made me realize how much is stacked against us,” said Ricky’s cousin, Ernesto Ball, who is 46. “That’s the moment I began to think that maybe these cops can really get away with whatever.”

Over the past decade, at least 25 white officers have sued their cities for racial discrimination, according to a BuzzFeed News review of media reports. Eleven had their cases rejected by a judge or jury. Nine, though, won jury verdicts at trial or reached monetary settlements, all after claims the officers had been passed up for promotions because of their skin color or fired for saying something interpreted as racist. The other cases are pending. None of those police lawsuit victories or settlements involved a fatal shooting — until Boykin’s case, which occurred as cops across the country seemed to be facing a reckoning over their use of force. In the months before and after Boykin's indictment, officers involved in seven high-profile shootings — in Albuquerque, New Mexico; North Charleston, South Carolina; Cincinnati; St. Louis; Tulsa, Oklahoma; Milwaukee; and Falcon Heights, Minnesota — were criminally charged. Boykin, 28, claimed he’d been swept up by this wave of outrage and was a victim of “uninformed public pressure.” He would not have been fired, his lawsuit stated, “except that he is white and the deceased was black.” [huh? this neuropeon knows he would have been fired within minutes after murdering a white man. What is collective white power?]

Since Boykin’s indictment, the officers in those seven high-profile police shooting cases have all gone to trial, and not one was convicted in state court. The outcomes revealed a reality that is becoming increasingly clear: Investigators, prosecutors, judges, and juries can try to hold officers accountable, but none of that matters when laws continue to protect any cop who says they feared for their life before pulling the trigger.

“I don’t have any faith in the justice system anymore,” Ernesto said. “At first I was excited. At first I thought that maybe it would be something quick. But as time goes on, and things start happening… It’s hard, man. It’s hard to keep that belief I been trying to keep.”

Ricky had encountered Boykin at least once before. He’d befriended a relative of Boykin’s, and one day in August 2015, he drove with her through the neighborhood. Boykin, who’d been on the force for three years, and his partner, Max Branch, followed the blue Hyundai, calling into dispatch that they were about to pull it over.

“Be a black driving, white female passenger,” Boykin said into the radio, according to a transcript of Branch’s body camera. Boykin’s camera was not on, which is a violation of department policy.

“Who’s driving?” Branch asked.

“I don’t know,” Boykin replied. “I can’t remember his fucking name. I seen him one time over by Ash Street.”

The cops flashed their lights, the car didn’t stop, the cops gave chase — losing it down a side street before eventually catching up. They found the car stopped.

“God, please still be in the car motherfucker,” Boykin said. “Please still be in the fucking car. If I get my fucking hands on him…Goddamn it, motherfucker.”

“You going to whoop his ass?” Branch said.

“Yeah,” Boykin said. “He going to jail no matter what. No matter what he was going to jail.”

Ricky was gone by the time they got to the car.

“He did the right thing by fucking running,” Boykin said.

Two months after that run-in with Ricky Ball, Boykin and his partner attempted to pull over a white Mitsubishi. It was a little after 10 p.m. when the officers, in an unmarked patrol car, spotted the Mitsubishi heading in the opposite direction.

Branch was at the wheel, Boykin beside him in the front, and in the back seat were Officer Yolanda Young, who was their supervisor, and Alisha Stanford, Boykin’s girlfriend. Stanford sometimes joined him on ride-alongs. The three cops said that they all saw that the Mitsubishi’s back license plate light was out, and that there was a white woman in the driver’s seat.

The cops followed the car down the street, blue lights flashing, but the Mitsubishi kept moving forward at a crawl, the three officers told state investigators. As they drew closer, the cops said they noticed a man in the front passenger’s seat. They also said his door was open slightly, a sign he planned to run. Boykin cracked his own door open and got ready to give chase. The car turned onto a residential street next to a vacant lot, hit a speed bump, then slowed even more. Ricky jumped out and ran. Boykin went after him. All three officers’ body cameras were off. Seconds later, Branch radioed dispatch: “Shots fired!”

It was dark, the closest streetlight nearly half a football field from the lot. Boykin would tell investigators that he tased Ricky on the street, a few feet from the car, and saw a gun in his hand when Ricky fell to the ground. Boykin said that he dropped his Taser and drew his own gun, as Ricky got back on his feet and took off running across the grassy lot. Boykin said that when Ricky was about 25 yards away, Ricky turned toward him and pointed a gun. That’s when Boykin opened fire. Two of the eight shots struck Ricky: one in the hip, another going through his arm and into his chest, hitting an artery.

Ricky kept running. Locals stepped out of stores and houses upon hearing the gunfire, curious to see what was happening. Two told me they heard Ricky shouting, “Help, they trying to kill me!” while he ran. The officers called for backup and searched the area. Ricky was still alive when an officer found him beneath a mobile home. Responding officers also found a gun, a pouch of weed, and a container of cocaine stashed in a cinder block hollow an arm’s reach from Ricky. Twenty-one minutes after the report of shots fired, paramedics arrived. Ricky was pronounced dead at the hospital.

The medical examiner concluded that the location of the bullet holes in Ricky’s body didn’t make clear whether he was pointing a gun when he was shot or whether he was just looking behind him while running. While some residents believe the gun was planted — it was registered under the name of a local cop who was securing the scene that night — the gun had been reported stolen from the cop’s house in a burglary two months before Ball’s death, police investigative reports confirm.

Within days of the shooting, investigators questioned Branch and Young, the two officers who were with Boykin. Both said they heard Boykin shout, “Gun! Gun! Gun!” but neither saw a weapon. Branch said his eyes were on the woman in the Mitsubishi driver’s seat the whole time. Young said she observed Ricky looking back at them as he ran but she didn’t see anything in his hands. When investigators asked her if Boykin gave any commands to Ricky before firing, she said, “I didn’t hear nothing. Nothing but the shots.”

On a recent afternoon in early June, the sky bright and the air sticky, Ernesto and I walked across the grassy lot where his cousin was shot, retracing those final, frantic steps past the big tree, across the ditch, around the half-vacant apartment row, and into the yard behind the mobile homes perched on cinder blocks. Ernesto knew the way because he’d followed the blood trail the morning after the shooting.

Oldest among his generation of cousins, Ernesto helped raise Ricky. After the birth of Ricky’s daughter six years ago, Ernesto shared babysitting responsibilities. When Ricky needed a place to stay, Ernesto let him and his girlfriend move into his house. And when Ricky died, it was Ernesto who spoke at city hall, led the marches, handled media requests, and educated himself on the court system that will decide whether or not his cousin was unjustly killed.

Laws covering police deadly force in most of the country trace back to British common law, written into early state penal codes when guns were less lethal and the death penalty was applied to burglary, sodomy, and slave rebellion, among other crimes.

As of 1984, it was legal in most states for an officer to fatally shoot any suspected felon attempting to flee. That year, a Memphis police officer killed 15-year-old Edward Garner. The officer, Elton Hymon, said he assumed Garner was unarmed but fired anyway because he spotted the boy running from the scene of a reported burglary attempt. The officer was not charged, but Garner’s father sued the city, and the case reached the Supreme Court, which ruled in 1985 that Garner’s Fourth Amendment rights had been violated. An officer can’t shoot somebody running from them unless they have “probable cause to believe that the suspect poses a significant threat of death or serious physical injury to the officer or others,” the 6–3 majority opinion stated.

That standard, paired with another ruling four years later sayinguse of force must be “objectively reasonable,” set constitutional limits, but it doesn’t dictate criminal code. Mississippi is one of 16 states yet to update their police deadly force statutes to meet constitutional requirements, leaving judges and juries to make decisions based on a patchwork of legal standards that make it nearly impossible for an officer to be found guilty of murder or manslaughter. In another of those 16 states, South Carolina, a jury was unable to reach a verdict in the 2016 trial of an officer caught on video fatally shooting a fleeing, unarmed man in the back from yards away.

“People are outraged when juries return an acquittal, and they don’t realize jurors may have had genuine reasons to be divided or confused,” said Brandon Garrett, a law professor at Duke University. “Often it’s unfair to blame the law,” he said, but police deadly force law “really is genuinely confusing and out-of-date.”

Even in states with more restrictive use-of-force laws, a cop’s proclamation of fear can be enough to avoid prison, no matter the circumstances. The law generally “tells jurors to look through the eyes of the officers,” said Craig Futterman, a criminologist at the University of Chicago. “It doesn’t ask: Did the officer have other alternatives? Did the officer really put the sanctity of human life first?”

In the wake of the failed convictions of the past four years, elected officials and advocates for police accountability have set their sights on changing deadly force laws. State legislators in Washington have proposed eliminating a provision that absolves officers who kill unless there's proof they acted with “malice”; lawmakers in California introduced a bill to raise the standard for a justified police killing from “reasonable” to “necessary” and to require jurors to consider the role an officer played in escalating an encounter. If it passes, California would have the nation’s toughest law governing police use of deadly force. [MORE]

Assembly Line Immigration Courts [of Law Over Humanity] Do Away with the Appearance of Justice To Send the Message to Potential Migrants - 'There Is No Democracy Here - Only Rule Via Coercion & Force'

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YOUR HONOR IS THERE ANY TIME FOR A BULLSHIT TRIAL IN WHITE PEOPLES COURT? From [HERE] They filed into the room seven by seven for a dose of rapid-fire justice: In less than a minute and in quick succession, each migrant pleaded guilty to illegally entering the United States, and was sentenced.

They were overwhelmingly Central American and Mexican men, many of them still in the dusty, sweaty garb they had been wearing when they were caught by Border Patrol agents. They looked dazed, tired and resigned to their fate, many having just completed a harsh trek across the sweltering Mexican desert. Some of their heads drooped as they listened to the judge.

“Good afternoon, my name is Bernardo Velasco, the judge assigned to conduct this proceeding. You are being represented by a lawyer at no cost to you because you are charged with the criminal offense of illegal entry,” the judge told the defendants.

Then he turned to the lawyers: “Counsels, have your clients made a decision to waive their right to a trial and enter guilty pleas?” The lawyers responded in unison, “Yes, your honor.”

Federal criminal prosecutions of migrants arrested along the southwest border jumped 30 percent in April over March, according to Syracuse University’s TRAC, which monitors cases. Nearly 60 percent of all federal criminal prosecutions in April were for immigration violations, its tallies reveal.

Multiple-defendant immigration hearings have been held for years in Arizona and Texas. The assembly-line justice, known as Operation Streamline, started under President George W. Bush and persisted under President Barack Obama as deportations and other immigration cases were on the rise. But the Trump administration’s new policy of prosecuting cases that previously were most often not a priority is pushing thousands of new defendants into the federal court system.

Courtrooms near the border in southern and western Texas have been packed with immigrant detainees. In Pecos, a city about 200 miles from El Paso, a court employee recently snapped a picture of some 40 migrants in handcuffs and orange jumpsuits who filled the juror’s box and formed a line that stretched from one end of the room to the other.

In the southern district of Texas, the Operation Streamline caseload is double what it was two months ago. In Tucson, the court so far this year has handled 6,519 such cases, compared with 10,869 in all of 2017.

Judge Velasco, the senior magistrate judge in Tucson, went down the line in his courtroom on a recent Monday, uttering each migrant’s name and asking if she or he pleaded guilty. “Sí,” responded Wil Yobani, the first in the row, in Spanish; “Sí,” said No. 2, Sergio Rafael de Leon; “Sí,” said Monica Garcia — all the way down to No. 7, Transito Abel.

No sooner was that group done than the next seven people streamed in, accompanied by federal marshals. The judge, in a deep monotone voice, repeated the script.

This is not the first time a “zero-tolerance” policy has been tried in Arizona. When Operation Streamline was launched by federal immigration authorities in the state in 2008, it resulted in the criminal prosecution of all migrants, including those caught entering illegally for the first time.

But in recent years, most first-time offenders had been spared, though they might have been sent to the immigration courts for deportation proceedings or asylum hearings. The majority of those taken to federal court for criminal prosecution either had been apprehended at least twice before, or had committed a serious crime.

Now, that’s all changed.

“Many are showing up at the border for the first time ever and being prosecuted,” said Raul Miranda, the longest-serving private lawyer paid by the government to represent Operation Streamline defendants in the Federal District Court here in Tucson.

The migrants typically are sentenced to time served in jail, a few days, and are transferred to the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, where they remain in detention until they are deported — unless they submit a claim for asylum and are deemed to have sufficient justification to proceed with a hearing. Repeat offenders are often sentenced to 30 to 75 days in jail.

The stepped-up prosecution policy has proved to be one of the most controversial moves on immigration the Trump administration has made, largely because it has resulted in the separation of many families at the border: Those jailed on criminal charges must have their children taken from them and detained separately.

Those who appeared in federal court on a recent Monday in Arizona included a few adults who had made the journey with their children, only to be separated from them at the border.

One of them was Rocaelino Estrada Ventura, a 38-year-old Guatemalan who had tried to sneak across the border with his 16-year-old son to join his brother, who lives and works in Los Angeles.

“Mr. Estrada, are you a citizen of Guatemala?” asked the judge. “And did you enter this country on June 8 near Nogales without inspection by immigration officers?”

The court interpreter repeated the question in Spanish, and Mr. Estrada responded “Yes,” in Spanish.

Mr. Miranda, a towering figure and former Marine who is partial to bolo ties and sports a bushy silver beard, stepped forward as Mr. Estrada’s lawyer. “Your honor, he has a son he wants to give to his brother, but he can’t do that because he doesn’t have papers,” he said, referring to the defendant’s brother.

The judge didn’t respond. That matter was outside the scope of the criminal case.

The lawyer was explaining yet another difficulty faced by migrant families as a result of recent Trump administration policy changes. Under new regulations, relatives who wish to sponsor migrant children and pick them up from government shelters must be fingerprinted, and that information is shared with the Department of Homeland Security. The authorities say the new rule is intended to protect the safety of the children. But family members who are in the country illegally are often reluctant to comply, fearing it might make them vulnerable to deportation later.

Mr. Estrada was sentenced to time served — three days — and will likely be deported to Guatemala. But lawyers say his son could remain in a shelter for the duration of his own removal proceedings, which could take months or longer, because it is unlikely his uncle will dare to submit to the examination needed to pick him up.

All the defendants who appeared in court that day had been arrested in the Tucson sector of the border, which stretches about 260 miles across southern Arizona. Historically, about half of all illegal entries nationally have occurred along that expanse.

Lawyers receive the roster of clients assigned to them on the morning of the hearing and meet with each one for about 20 minutes to explain the charges and the process in Spanish.

The consulate of Guatemala, the only Central American country that has a presence in Tucson, sends a representative to court each day to meet migrants. The official then calls families back home to inform them that their loved one has been detained.

Trump administration officials say the mass prosecutions send a powerful message to potential migrants that they are better off not making the journey over land to the United States. Whether the prosecutions will be an effective deterrent is still an open question.

Public defenders have voiced concern about the pressure the new case volume is placing on federal courts, and question whether due process is undermined by a rush to convict.

In California, where Operation Streamline is set to begin next month, many migrants awaiting a hearing are being held in detention facilities far from the courts, making it difficult for them to have productive consultations with defense lawyers: They must occur by video.

Reuben C. Cahn, the executive director of Federal Defenders of San Diego, said that “providing meaningful representation becomes all but impossible.”

“The court has already begun to reshape itself to accommodate the increase in prosecutions, and these accommodations serve to diminish both the court and the constitutional protections accorded the accused,” he wrote in a June 4 letter to Chief Judge Barry Ted Moskowitz of the United States District Court in San Diego. [MORE]

New Demographic Study Finds Whites are Dying Faster Than They are Being Born in Majority of US States [Numerical Inadequacy Fuels Racism]

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From [HERE] Deaths now outnumber births among white people in more than half the states in the country, demographers have found, signaling what could be a faster-than-expected transition to a future in which whites are no longer a majority of the American population.

The Census Bureau has projected that whites could drop below 50 percent of the population around 2045, a relatively slow-moving change that has been years in the making. But a new report this week found that whites are dying faster than they are being born now in 26 states, up from 17 just two years earlier, and demographers say that shift might come even sooner.

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“It’s happening a lot faster than we thought,” said Rogelio Sáenz, a demographer at the University of Texas at San Antonio and a co-author of the report. It examines the period from 1999 to 2016 using data from the National Center for Health Statistics, the federal agency that tracks births and deaths. He said he was so surprised at the finding that at first he thought it was a mistake.

The pattern first started nearly two decades ago in a handful of states with aging white populations like Pennsylvania and West Virginia. But fertility rates dropped drastically after the Great Recession and mortality rates for whites who are not of Hispanic origin have been rising, driven partly by drug overdoses. That has put demographic change on a faster track. The list of states where white deaths outnumber births now includes North Carolina and Ohio.

The change has broad implications for identity and for the country’s political and economic life, transforming a mostly white baby boomer society into a multiethnic and racial patchwork. A majority of the youngest Americans are already nonwhite and look less like older generations than at any point in modern American history. In California, 52 percent of all children are living in homes with at least one immigrant parent, Professor Sáenz said. [MORE]

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Can You be Superior & Have Recessive Genes at the Same Time? FUNKTIONARY explains that a "Caucasian" - is "One whose worst and most basic fear still remains genetic annihilation in the form of the fear of the impending "Black Planet." Whither goest thou white man? (See: Weiteko Disease, Yurungu, Western Civilization, Recessive Genes, Colored People, Melanin & Mutant). 

As stated by Dr. Frances Cress Welsing, white people are vulnerable to their sense of numerical inadequacy. Most white people consciously or subconsciously understand the following;

  • White plus Black equals Colored.
  • White plus Brown equals Colored.
  • White plus Yellow equals Colored.

The declining white population is not a new or reversible trend - the decline has only quickened. Although rarely discussed, white people are genetic recessive. It is scientific fact that Black is a genetically dominant trait. Whenever Black mixes with White, which is a recessive genetic trait, Black will dominate. In general, this means "whites" cannot reproduce a white child when they have sexual relations with non-whites. The so-called white "race" can and eventually will be replaced or "genetically annihilated" through such assimilation or social intermixing with non-whites. As white populations have been consistently declining, Black and Brown populations are surging. And this scares some racists to death. [MORE]

The above formula is the meaning of what "you will not replace us" and "‘Europe Will Be White." It also is what "Clean Blood’ is referring to - clean white blood.

As far as racists are concerned "replacement" is in fact what is ocurring in the US & abroad. Persons who classify themselves as White make up less than 10% of the world's population and their numbers are shrinking fast. That is, 90% of the world population of 7 billion people are non-white

White people are vastly outnumbered throughout the world and this scares some racists, fueling racism. A recent Reuters poll reflects white people fear of replacement as 31% of participants agreed "America must protect and preserve its White European heritage” and 39 percent agreed with the statement that “White people are currently under attack in this country.” [MORE]

Dr. Welsing explained that [among other things] numerical inadequacy drives white folks to practice racism - to survive and to maintain control of non-whites. [MORE]. Her color confrontation theory explained that the more the white population shrinks the worse its conduct toward non-whites will get. Racists practice racism to survive, it is a strategy for white genetic survival. 


According to Dr. Welsing, "genetic annihilation [fear of replacement] is the fundamental motivation of people who classify themselves as White, whether it is conscious and/or subconsciously determined. The fear of losing control over non-whites causes racists to act genocidally towards non-whites in a perceived "survival game" they are engaged in with "us" (an imagined "other" species. Remember white people "believe" they are another "race" and "other" to non-whites. Suffering from the disease of constant comparison racists and their make believe beliefs, [imagining themselves to be a part of a hierarchy where persons unable to produce color & lacking melanin are supreme; imagining themselves to be higher than what they imagine you to be] are in a state of non-reality, a play world they have projected from their imagination into existence. ) - in all areas of people activity. Welsing calls this fear "numerical inadequacy." 

The operating system of white supremacy functions to keep them alive. As stated by Dr. Welsing, "indeed, if white people had not created such a global system in which they established power over the world's non-white majority, the white collective would have been genetically extinct a long time ago." [MORE].

Nevertheless, neuropeons really have nothing to fear about their dying numbers. Elite racists [neuropeans] understand that there is no place in the world where non-whites dominate whites or are operationally or functionally in control of white people. There is no system of Black Supremacy.  Neely Fuller explains that 'in a socio-material system dominated by elite racists, all major decisions involving non-white people are made by elite racists/White Supremacists. When a Black person needs serious help, he or she goes directly, or indirectly, to the White Supremacists and asks for that help. Whatever a Black person gets, and/or is allowed to keep, is the result of decisions made by White Supremacists. This is the functional meaning of White Supremacy (Racism) that many people — particularly non-white people — prefer not to acknowledge.' [MORE]

As Dr. Bobby Wright observed, ‘although the world is 90% non-white, everywhere one finds Whites and Blacks in close proximity to each other, whether it is Chicago or Zimbabwe, the Whites are in control. This extraordinary universal phenomenon which defies every known statistical law of probability is rarely questioned.' [MORE]

Dr. Amos Wilson similarly states, "[Blacks] must question how is it that a minority people [whites], a very small percentage of mankind, a people who are essentially resourceless in terms of their natural resources, maintain the power they have. Why is it that the peoples whose lands contain the wealth of the earth are the poorest people? Why is it that Afrika with some twenty (20) or thirty (30) strategic metals that make the space age possible — why is it that the image of Afrika is projected at us time and time again as that of starving children, as societies in disorder, as societies on the verge of disaster? This implies that there must exist a political, social situation wherein the mental orientation of our people must be so structured that the power and the ability of the Europeans to rule this earth are continually maintained.' [MORE]

Dr. Welsing explained that elite racists have structured and manipulated white people's own thought processes and conceptual patterns, as well as those of the entire non-white world majority, so that the real numerical minority (whites) illusionally feels and represents itself as the world's majority, while the true numerical majority (non-whites) illusionally feels and views itself as the minority. 



Keeping Track of Non-White Children Kidnapped by ICE & Re-Uniting them w/Deported Parents is Contrary to Government Family Destruction Policy & Far Too Complicated for Neuropeon Tyrant [President]

Slavery Style Family Break Ups Permanent. Racist suspect tyrant-splains the hide & seek and lost & found policy of the "Blight House." These incompetent genocidal mfs have no idea who's kids are where. All that matters is that they are all non-white. 

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"Zero Tolerance" for Non-Whites in US "De-Mockery" Based on Force, Deception & Involuntary Participation: Subjects Beg [Master] President Trash to End Family Destruction Policy

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For greater understanding Dr. Blynd explains in FUNKTIONARY:

democracy - a commercial form of "government" (exploitation and theft via force, deception and involuntary participation) of the mob, by the mob, and/or the mob, i.e., Mob-Rule. 2) a guise rubber stamping of an alternative royalty into overruling power. 3) the worst possible form of government because the majority rules whether they be good, evil, or misled by a minority. 4) slavery of the people, by the people, for the people. 5) equality achieved through force. 6) a system where only the majority need to befooled. 7) advertised equality. 8) a parody of a free society that only ethical anarchism or voluntaryism can usher into existence.

"Democracy has always been seen (and is still seen today) as equality of rights (granted privileges), not conditions. To the hypothetical equality of rights there has always corresponded a substantial inequality of conditions. And instead of being related to the nature of their individuality, differences between people have always been those marked by the different basic conditions they live in as they struggle against the suffocating artificial divisions imposed on them by power." —Alfred M. Bonanno. Democracy is a euphonious term created mainly to serve as sheepskin for Leviathan, Doggy and the Crimethlnc. All-Stars. 9) Dictatorship camouflaged as freedom 10) a whitewashed plutocracy with a pastel eggshell finish. Democracy, next to "monetized debt," and direct taxation (on labor) is the biggest con-game perpetrated on a population. Democracy has proved only that the best way to gain and sustain power over people is to assure the people that they are ruling themselves. Once they believe that lie, they make wonderfully submissive and self-maintained slaves.

"There are those who maintain that at bottom what is called democracy, (whenever and wherever it is supposed to have existed), is merely the mask for the rule of capitalist and/or bureaucratic minorities over an ignorant and deceived majority whose franchise signifies only the right to choose or tc change its masters." -Max Nomad. As long as mob rule is allowed through secret ballots, operational and organizational transparency will evade us and vice (vested interests controlling economies) will continue to forsake us and break us. Democracy is a powerful synthetic ideology of recuperation. Democracy goes against the emancipation of desire. Democracy allows for A to band together with B (majority rule) to rip off C. Democracy and citizenship are the chains that filter your pursuit of happiness and the happiness in your pursuit. Democracy in America has been checked and balanced, or gone unchecked and unbalanced—depending on one's indoctrination—to the point (extent) of collapse. Only the improper is left to prop it up aright as if it were still standing on its own ideological efficacy and edifice. "Democracy (the political ideal) is just a dream, it has not happened anywhere, it cannot happen. And wherever it happens (in practice), it creates trouble, the medicine proves more dangerous than the disease itself." -OSHO. "If the people of a democracy are allowed to do so, they will vote away freedoms that are essential to that democracy." -Snell Putney. As H.L. Mencken so aptly observed, "Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want and deserve to get it good and hard." In a democracy, scum rises to the top; otherwise it starts there. Democracy is a specific instance of stationary rogue State power. Under the rubric of democracy, justice can be attained only by begging, buying, milking and taking.  

A gang is an embryonic democracy in the making. Keep in mind that Hitler was elected in a full, free and fair democratic election. Democracy is a sweet-sounding word that offers freedom but delivers illusions. It has no other choice—it isn't what it appears and never could be what it advertises. There has never been a democracy where the public was consulted for input or consent before statutes and policies detrimental to their interests were already completed and or implemented by the shadow, invisible or parallel government (the Pathocracy). The ruse of democracy and fake elections stalls rebellion.   It's a placebo fed to the public so the ruling dominant elite can execute their plans for a global society—a New World Order.  

"Already American democracy and freedom are in their to throes, hemorrhaging from years of corporatist mutilation. Elections have become a sham, a farce. Freedoms are disappearing becoming extinct. The enemy within wishes for nothing more than an authoritarian, fascist nation, the easier to make decisions the easier to implement their vision, the easier to control the population. The enemy within detests democracy, and this we must understand. Democracy and freedom are enemies.

Ask yourself who has been the organization destroying our democracy and freedoms, our civil rights and liberties?  Who has enacted Patriot Acts I and II, who has destroyed due process, right to an attorney, habeas corpus? Who has tried to silence truth, dissent, protest and free speech? Who has made torture legal, faise imprisonment necessary, confessions by torture legal and evidence concocted through hearsay or torture legal? Who has made it legal to spy on American citizens, opening our email accounts, overhearing our phone conversations, and looking into our lives It has not been the dreaded Arab evildoers. It has been the Bush administration. It has been your own government." —Manuel Valenzuela. 

The noted author, Alex Carey, an Australian, states with prophetic clarity that: "The twentieth century has been characterized by three developments of great political importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of corporate power, and the growth of corporate propaganda as a means of protecting corporate power against democracy." I am 50 years old and have never known any government but fascism and take it as a matter of course that they are out to get me for exposing the truth (See: Mobocracy, Federal Constitution for the United States, Pathocracy, Fascism, Promises, Servitude, Enforcement, Disaster Capitalism, VICE, COP, Nine-Eleven, Patriot Act, CRIME, Statism, Doggy, Demarchy, Crimethlnc, Corporate State, Majority Rule, Voting, Formal Democracy, Colonialism, Communism, Conformity, Economatrix, SOS, Popular Sovereignty, Executive Orders, Bush Family Crime Syndicate, Cooperative Federalism, Self-Maintained Slavery, New World Order, Understanding Herd Management, War, LOFTY, Anarchy, Communism, MOS DEF, Capitalism, Parallel Government, Rebellion, Media, Motion of Alimni, "Government" & Authoritarianism). 

What Happens When White Prosecutors Fabricate, Alter & Hide Evidence to Falsely Convict Black People in System of White Supremacy? Judges, DA & NY Bar Ignore Misconduct by Racist Suspect Prosecutor

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From [HERE] A major scandal unfolding on Long Island over the last 13 months shows how the justice system all too often falls silent when the culprit is a prosecutor, and the victim is an ordinary citizen accused of a crime.

In May 2017, Glenn Kurtzrock, a homicide prosecutor in Suffolk County, N.Y., was caught red-handed concealing dozens of pages of material from Messiah Booker, a young man charged with first-degree murder who maintained he was innocent.

Mr. Booker was arrested and spent more than 18 months in jail awaiting trial before his defense lawyer discovered that Mr. Kurtzrock had altered hundreds of pages of police records to remove a wealth of exculpatory information. That included evidence pointing to another suspect he knew Mr. Booker’s lawyer had been investigating. The prosecutor had also removed the covers of two police notebooks to make it look like his altered versions of the documents were the originals.

After the defense attorney discovered the misconduct and alerted the court, the district attorney promptly fired Mr. Kurtzrock and dismissed the murder charge against Mr. Booker in mid-trial. (Mr. Booker then pleaded guilty to attempted robbery, a reduced charge, which ensured he would be released from prison before his son finishes elementary school.) As he dismissed the case, the judge called it a “travesty.”

It was clear that Mr. Kurtzrock had violated the 1963 the Supreme Court ruling in Brady v. Maryland which held prosecutors must turn over any exculpatory evidence to defendants.

Yet there was more.

Over the last year, as the district attorney’s office reviewed all of Mr. Kurtzrock’s case files, prosecutors informed the court that four more murder convictions had been tainted by Mr. Kurtzrock’s illegal suppression of evidence. All four have now been overturned by the courts.

Most recently, in February, a man named Shaun Laurence was exonerated of murder and freed from a sentence of 75 years to life after the district attorney’s office discovered that Mr. Kurtzrock had concealed 45 different items of exculpatory evidence at trial — with the presiding judge declaring that the prosecutor’s misconduct was “absolutely stunning.”

So what’s happened to Mr. Kurtzrock?


Thirteen months after his public firing, and five murder cases overturned because of his illegal actions, Mr. Kurtzrock hasn’t been charged with a single crime. Not fraud, not tampering with government records, not contempt of court.

And he hasn’t even been suspended from practicing law, much less disbarred. He’s now working as a defense lawyer in private practice. That’s right: he’s making a living representing people accused of crimes, in the same courthouse from which he was (supposedly) banished a year ago. His law firm website even touts his experience as a “former homicide prosecutor.”

The law also makes it virtually impossible for Mr. Kurtzrock’s victims to sue him, with the Supreme Court having declared that individual prosecutors and their offices are “immune” from civil rights lawsuits in all but the rarest of cases.

Mr. Kurtzrock’s case may be the most recent example of the system’s egregious failure to hold a rogue prosecutor accountable, but it’s hardly anomalous.

The National Registry of Exonerations, based out of the University of California, Irvine, reports that “official misconduct” — by police, prosecutors or both — was a factor in roughly half of the nearly 2,200 exonerations across the country since 1989.

To date, only one prosecutor in the country (Ken Anderson, who withheld exculpatory evidence from my former Texas client Michael Morton) has ever been jailed for misconduct causing a wrongful conviction. And Mr. Anderson served just eight days in the county jail — starkly different from the 25 years that Mr. Morton languished in state prison.

That’s true even when prosecutorial misconduct taints thousands of cases.

Last June, a Massachusetts judge issued a blistering 127-page decision finding that two former assistant attorneys general had committed “egregious misconduct” and “fraud on the court” in failing to disclose evidence that a former state lab analyst was addicted to drugs while on the job for years. After five years of litigation, the state has agreed to throw out more than 8,000 drug convictions tainted by laboratory and prosecutorial misconduct.

The lab analyst served 13 months in prison for her crimes. But the former prosecutors? Neither have faced criminal charges, and both are still licensed attorneys. Indeed, even though my office filed formal complaints against them in July 2017 the Massachusetts Bar has yet to even hold a public hearing on their law licenses. And both have found other jobs as senior government lawyers, their salaries funded by taxpayers. [MORE]

New Study: Local, White Mississippi Prosecutors Struck Black Jurors at More than Four Times the Rate of Whites

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From [HERE] A new study shows that the Mississippi District Attorney's office that has prosecuted Curtis Flowers for capital murder six times—striking almost all black jurors in each trial—has disproportionately excluded African Americans from jury service for more than a quarter century. Reviewing the exercise of discretionary jury strikes in 225 trials between 1992 and 2017, American Public Media Reports discovered that during the tenure of Mississippi's Fifth Circuit Court District Attorney Doug Evans (pictured) prosecutors have exercised peremptory strikes to exclude African Americans from jury service at nearly 4½ times the rate at which they struck white jurors.

APM Reports collected and analyzed data on more than 6,700 jurors called for jury service in the the Fifth District. Its study—which was reviewed before its release by a statistics expert and two law professors who had conducted prior jury-strike studies—found that Fifth District prosecutors struck 50 percent of all eligible black jurors compared to only 11 percent of eligible whites. Looking at potentially race-neutral factors raised during juror questioning, APM Reports found that prosecutors were still far more likley to strike black jurors than similarly situated white jurors (click here to enlarge graph).

Controlling for these factors, the study found that the odds prosecutors would strike a black juror were six times greater than the odds that they would strike a white juror. APM Reports prepared the study in connection with its acclaimed podcast series In the Dark, which this season focuses on the Flowers case.

Evans' office has been scrutinized for alleged race-related abuses of powers during the course of Flowers' six trials for the murder of four furniture store employees. Flowers has consistently professed his innocence. In his first three trials, Flowers was convicted and sentenced to death by all-white or nearly all-white juries. In each of these cases, the state Supreme Court overturned the convictions and ordered new trials. Just before the second trial, Flowers' parents' house burned down. Shortly afterwards, his mother was told of a threat made by a white resident that, "If they let that n----- go, another house is going to burn." Jurors deadlocked in Flowers' fourth and fifth trials, split along racial lines. All the white jurors voted for death in both of those trials. Only one black juror served on the sixth jury, and Flowers was sentenced to death in that trial.

Although it is unconstitutional to exclude jurors from service based on race, the practice is ubiquitous in many jurisdictions that heavily use the death penalty. Over the course of 332 criminal trials in CaddoParish, Louisiana in the decade from 2003-2012, prosecutors struck black jurors at more than triple the rate of other jurors, approximately the same disproportionate rate at which black jurors were struck in 35 cases resulting in death sentences in South Carolina in the fifteen years between 1997-2012. In 173 capital cases tried over a twenty-year period in North Carolina, and in more than 300 capital trials over more than two decades in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, prosecutors struck black jurors twice as frequently as other jurors. Most recently, in Georgia, Johnny Gates, who was sentenced to death in Columbus, Georgia in 1977, has challenged his conviction with evidence that his prosecutors struck every black juror they could in the seven capital trials they prosecuted between 1976 and 1979, empaneling all-white juries in six of those cases. 

Study Finds Racism/White Supremacy Causes Insomnia: Blacks more likely than Whites to have insomnia, sleep apnea, daytime sleepiness & Less Deep Sleep

  Amos  Wilson explains,"to be oppressed is to make  how  one feels or  expects  to feel, the measure of all things. To be oppressed is to be ruled through one's feelings and emotions. It is to be exquisitely exposed to and manipulated by a play on one's dreads and fears by one's oppressors; by a play on one's needs for respite from their terror; by a play on one's needs for catharsis, solace, and compensatory joy. Anxiety is the whip in the hand of the oppressor used to drive the oppressed to completion of their appointed rounds. [ MORE ] and [ MORE ]

Amos Wilson explains,"to be oppressed is to make how one feels or expects to feel, the measure of all things. To be oppressed is to be ruled through one's feelings and emotions. It is to be exquisitely exposed to and manipulated by a play on one's dreads and fears by one's oppressors; by a play on one's needs for respite from their terror; by a play on one's needs for catharsis, solace, and compensatory joy. Anxiety is the whip in the hand of the oppressor used to drive the oppressed to completion of their appointed rounds. [MORE] and [MORE]

From [HERE] On May 8, campus police officers at Yale University responded to a call from a white graduate student about a black graduate student, whom she said was unknown to her and sleeping in the common room. For many, the incident was further evidence that African Americans are targets of harassment even in communities that are ostensibly their own, but the interaction is also a window into another, less-publicized disparity: It’s likely that, over the course of their lifetimes, white students have slept hundreds of hours more than black students.

According to a forthcoming paper by Tiffany Yip, a psychology professor at Fordham University, the sleep gap between white and nonwhite students begins with children as young as 2 years old — and it grows from there. What starts as a 15 minutes-a-day sleep deficit in childhood eventually becomes almost an hour a night in adulthood.

But it isn’t just a difference of time. According to a study conducted by the National Sleep Foundation, African Americans are more likely than Caucasians to have insomnia, sleep apnea and daytime sleepiness. In addition, they spend 15 percent of their night in deep sleep (considered the most restorative phase), compared with Caucasians’ 20 percent.

Lauren Hale, an assistant professor of preventive medicine at Stony Brook University, calls the sleep gap “a matter of social justice” and identifies two other significant predictors in addition to race: level of education (those without a high school diploma are more likely to have sleep disorders) and neighborhood context (city dwellers typically sleep less than those outside the urban core). Hale says of her findings, “If the very people who are the most socially disadvantaged and most need that extra boost to function better during their days wake up the least prepared, then they are at a disadvantage throughout every aspect of their day.”

Of course, race is also intertwined with education levels, Zip code and other factors that impede a restful night’s sleep, such as crowding and cigarette smoking in the home and living in a higher-crime neighborhood. But, Yip says, “there are still independent effects of race that go above and beyond socioeconomic effects.”

To study the sleep gap among adolescents, Yip recruited 146 participants from five public high schools in New York City. For two weeks a year, the freshmen self-reported their sleep length and quality, as well as their experiences of discrimination. In addition, they wore a wristband that tracked their ­activity 24 hours a day.

Using teenagers was especially helpful for Yip’s research because adolescence is typically when our brains develop enough to be able to form a racial identity. Yip says, “Seeing discrimination in the world as it happens to people of different racial, ethnic groups, as it happens to people in your own racial, ethnic groups, as it starts to happen to friends and family members and as well as yourself — all of those things require a pretty sophisticated cognitive understanding.”

As teenagers start to process these events, they become more sensitive to discrimination, whether it’s a major traumatic event, such as not getting fair housing, or whether it’s a more mundane event, sometimes called a microaggression, such as an African American being ­complimented for being “very articulate.” [MORE]